Women in Contemplative Life

Women in Contemplative Life

The Role of Women in Early Christianity, pp. 53-108
by Jean LaPorte
Published by the Edwin Mellen Press, New York, 1982.
published on our website with the necessary permission

CHAPTER III

The larger part of the literature of Early Christianity on women deals with contemplative life under three main successive forms: the life of prophecy; the life of holy widowhood; and the life of consecrated virginity.

WOMEN IN PROPHECY

It has long been a common practice to ascribe the monopoly of prophecy in Early Christianity to Montanism. Tertullian, as a member of the sect, supported its prophetic claims and severe discipline, and spoke highly of its prophets and prophetesses. On the other hand, he blamed for its laxity the Church of the “psychics” (the friends of the flesh) which condoned sin and ignored the exigence of the Spirit.(77) He even despised and rejected the Shepherd of Hermas, which is full of prophetic visions, because it accepted second marriage and a second remission of sins after that of baptism. (78) remember that the Montanists supported these severe Encratist positions. Montanism met with the hostility of the Churches. (79) Montanus and his prophetesses became a laughing-stock, and the following generations welcomed slanderous accusations against them. As a consequence, modern scholarship is often inclined to see in them the last witnesses of the Spirit in a clerical Church which had forgotten its origins in the freedom of the gifts of God.

If we restore to the Early Church most of the literature of prophetism systematically ascribed to Montanism we obtain a quite different view of the question, and it even becomes possible to vindicate the orthodoxy of the Montanist Oracles. (80) The Montanist prophetesses themselves no longer appear dangerous in their surprising isolation, but are added to the succession of the Christian prophetesses and prophets of the first ages of Christianity. Thus we are brought back to the beginnings of Christian prophecy.

Anna, daughter of Phanuel, is presented by Luke as a prophetess. Luke states, “she had seen many days, having lived seven years with her husband after her marriage and then as a widow until she was eighty-four. She was constantly in the temple, worshipping day and night in fasting and prayer. Coming on the scene at this moment [the presentation of Jesus in the Temple], she gave thanks to God and talked about the child to all those who looked forward to the deliverance of Jerusalem." (81) Anna is the Scriptural paradigm of the holy widows of the Church. It is interesting to note the combination of prophecy and contemplative life in prayer, fasting and continence.

Mary the mother of Jesus, and Elizabeth her cousin, prophesied. Zachariah, Elizabeth’s husband, enjoyed a vision in the temple and prophesied. John the Baptist was a prophet, “and more than a prophet” (Mat. 11:9). And what of Jesus? Geza Vermes studies him in his recent book, Jesus the Jew, and shows that the connection between prophecy and continence existed in Judaism apart from Christianity. (82) The Apostles prophesied when the Holy Spirit descended upon them on the day of Pentecost, and many disciples also received the gifts of the Holy Spirit. Peter referred to prophet Joel who foretold this multiplication of prophets among men and women. (83)

Was Paul also a prophet? He claimed inspiration by the divine Spirit, and he gave advice about how best use spiritual gifts. (84) He accepted the validity of woman’s prophecy, although denying women the right of public speech. (85) However, I am more interested in what he says in I Cor. 7. He is speaking about conditions of life. Those who are married should stay married, and the others stay unmarried, unless they burn in the flesh. Paul specifies this in the following:

I should like to see you to be free of all worries. The unmarried man is busy with the Lord’s affairs, concerned with pleasing the Lord; but the married man is busy with this world’s demands and occupied with pleasing his wife. This means he is divided. The virgin - indeed, any unmarried woman - is concerned with things of the Lord, in pursuit of holiness in body and spirit. The married woman, on the other hand, has the cares of this world to absorb her and is concerned with pleasing her husband. I am going into this with you for your good. I have no desire to place restrictions on you, but I do want to promote what is good, what will help you to devote yourselves entirely to the Lord. (86)

The eschatological pressure does not seem to be determinant in the reasoning of Paul. Rather he is trying to persuade Christians to enter into a contemplative way of life, if they can endure it, because this would better please the Lord. What they give to a husband or wife, i.e. to the world and the flesh, prevents a full spiritual life. For this reason Paul makes the following amazing statement in the beginning of chapter 7: “It is not good for a man to touch a woman.” Paul speaks from the experience and point of view of his own way of life, which is a surrender to the Lord and to the Spirit. It is a prophetic life, indeed, with visions and inspiration, with zeal for the word of God, but also with this renunciation on which often, although not always, accompanies prophecy.(87)

It seems to me much easier now to interpret the cases of prophecy of the second century mentioned by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History:

The Daughters of Philip

In his epistle to Victor of Rome, Polycrates of Ephesus mentions him [John] together with the Apostle Philip and his daughters in the following words: “For in Asia also great lights have fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the last day, at the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven and shall seek out all the saints. Among these are Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who sleeps in Hierapolis, and his two aged virgin daughters, and another daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit and now rests at Ephesus; and moreover John, who was both a witness and a teacher, who reclined upon the bosom of the Lord, and being a priest wore the sacerdotal plate. He also sleeps at Ephesus.” So much concerning their death. And in the Dialogue of Caius which we mentioned a little above, Proclus, against whom he directed his disputation, . speaks thus concerning the death of Philip and his daughters: “After him there were four prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, at Hierapolis in Asia. Their tomb is there and the tomb of their father”. Such is his statement. But Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, mentions the daughters of Philip who were at that time at Caesarea in Judaea with their father, and where honored with the gift of prophecy. (Act 21:89) (88)

Melíto of Sardis

In the same epistle Polycrates also mentions Melito of Sardis:

...Polycarp in Smyrna, who was a bishop and martyr; and Thraseas, bishop and martyr from Eumenia, who fell asleep in Smyrna. Why need I mention the bishop and martyr Sagaris who fell asleep in Laodicaea, or the blessed Papirius, or Melito , the Eunuch who lived altogether in the Holy Spirit, and who lies in Sardis, awaiting the episcopate from heaven, when he shall rise from the dead? All these observed the 14th day of the passover according to the Gospel, deviating in no respect, but following the rule of faith. (89)

Here again we find prophetic inspiration and speaking, holiness of life,., and continence as the components or complements of prophetic life. The gift of prophecy is given to women as well as to men.

In Didache, (90) the earliest Church Order, which comes to us from the beginning of the second century, prophets are mentioned and their freedom to speak in the Spirit is respected, but we do not know whether there were women among them. Prophets and prophetesses may have been many in the first generations of Christians. Then, probably partly because of Montanism, they disappeared. By that time, the Church had evolved toward more structure and less improvisation in organization, prayer and preaching. The “servant of God” replaced the prophet and the eunuch for the Kingdom, and the “widow of the Church” and the “holy virgin” inherited some portion of the gift of prophetic life. Later on, Monasticism developed as a prophetic movement.

We do not lose the Montanist prophets in denying Montanism a monopoly on prophecy. Indeed we should be able to understand them better. Among the nineteen Montanist Oracles gathered by P. de Labriolle (9l), seven belong to the prophetesses, and the rest are ascribed to Montanus or simply the Paraclete. It is worth quoting and interpreting them briefly:

Oracle 11: Maximilla said, “After me, there will be no prophetess any more, but the end will come.” (92)

Oracle 12: Maximilla said, “I am chased like a wolf from the sheep, but I am not a wolf: I am Word, Spirit, and Power.” (93)

Oracle 13: Maximilla said, “Do not listen to me, but listen to Christ.” (94)

Oracle 14: Maximilla said, “The, Lord sent me as a sectarian, and a revealer, an interpreter of this labour and announcement and covenant. I am compelled, willingly or unwillingly, to learn the gnosis of God.” (95)

Oracle 15: Prophetess Prisca said that a holy minister knows how to administer sanctity “for purity is harmonious, and they see visions, and turning their face downward, they even hear manifest voices, as salutary as they are withal secret.” (96)

Oracle 16: Prisca said (about those who deny the resurrection of he flesh): “They are carnal, and, yet they hate the flesh.” (97)

Oracle 17: The Cataphrygians (Montanists) say that in Pepuza, Quintilla or Priscilla was sleeping, and Christ came. and slept with her: “Under the appearance of a woman, in a gorgeous dress, Christ came to me. He made me wise, and declared that this place was sacred, and that there the heavenly Jerusalem will come down from heaven.” (98)

We may add the description given by Tertullian of a vision of the soul described by a woman of his community who used to enjoy this kind of spiritual experience. (99)

The Montanist Oracles must be judged according to the standards of prophetic utterance. If we accept the principle that God speaks through the prophets, we should not be surprised to see the prophets speaking in the name of God. This observation answers the gross accusation that the Montanist prophets introduced themselves as God. The rest of the oracles relate to the conflicts of these sectarians with the church, or to their experience of inspiration. The boldest one where Christ appears as a woman is simply a feminine counterpart of an apocalyptic vision announcing the end of the world. But we know from the visions of Perpetua, of Julian of Norwich and even of Hermas, who was man, that we should not deny orthodoxy to female symbols.

THE WIDOWS OF THE CHURCH (100)

The Scriptural paradigms for the widows of the Church are Luke 2:36-38 on Ann, daughter of Phanuel; I Tim. 5:1-16 on the standards of Christian life required of those who were registered to receive charities; and Titus 2:3-5 on the duties of older women in general toward younger ones. These three texts have been quoted above. It is clear from them that the widows of the Church were promoted to a high rank and dignity. They devoted themselves to a contemplative life of prayer, fasting and continence. All the Elderly, according to the natural law of aging, were invited to renounce activity and to spend more time on meditation and prayer. (101) Often it is difficult to know if the widows attending church meetings on week days were only the destitute widows who were registered on the roll of the charities of the Church. I think that other widows, who lived with their relatives and busied themselves with grand sons and daughters and took care of the house, came to church as much as they could. It remains true that the poor widows supported by the Church represented an important group The few virgins who adopted the contemplative life joined these widows. (102)

The dignity of the widows of the Church appears in many documents of the second and third century. For instance, Apostolic Tradition so heavily insists that a widow is not to be ordained that one would almost believe . they ranked with clergy:

When a widow is appointed she is not ordained but she shall be chosen by name. But if she lost her husband a long time previously, let her be appointed. But if she lately lost her husband, let her not be trusted. And even if she is aged let her be tested for a time for often the passions grow old with him who gives place for them in himself. Let the widow be instituted by word only and let her be reckoned among the (enrolled) widows. But she shall not be ordained, because she does not offer the oblation nor has she a liturgical ministry. But ordination is for the clergy, on account of their ministry. But the widow is appointed for prayer, and this is a function of all Christians." (103)

These widows were appointed for prayer, which was the duty of all. But precisely because of their destitute situation, they could devote their life to prayer and attend the daily meetings of the praying community. Both Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria attested their participation with the clergy in the healing of sinners and the comforting of those in distress. (104) The Apologists of the second century praised the old women of the Church who were the target of the mocker! of the pagans. For instance Tatian wrote, “You say that we talk nonsense among women and boys, among maiden and old women ... You may not treat the women with scorn who among us pursue philosophy. Sappho is a lewd, lovesick woman, and sings in her own wantonness; but all our women are chaste, and the maidens at their distaff sing divine things, more noble than damsels of yours.” (105)

The widows are called by Polycarp the “altar of God”. What he means by this image clearly appears from the following text:

And the widows should be discreet ,in their faith pledged to the Lord, praying unceasingly on behalf of all, refraining from all slander, gossip, false witness, love of money - in fact, from evil of any kind knowing that they are God’s altar, that everything is examined for blemishes, and nothing escapes Him whether of thoughts or sentiments, any of the secrets of the heart. (106)

The comparison of widows to the altar of God reflects their dedication to God, their mission of prayer for all, and the necessity for them to avoid the defilement of external or internal sin.

Didascalia Apostolorum

The most instructive text concerning the widows of the Church is found in Didascalia Apostolorum, which reflects the life of a Church of mid-third century Syria. As in the Pastoral Epistles and Apostolic Tradition, the widows of the Church dealt with in Polycarp’s Epistle are supported by the church and fulfill a mission of prayer in the community. Didascalia Apostotorum describes their life with more detail, in away which seems to be the fruit of living experience:

The Appointment of widows (ch. 14)

Appoint as a widow one that is not under fifty years of age. If you appoint one who is young to the widows’ order, and she endures not widowhood because of her youth, and marry, she will bring a reproach upon the glory of widowhood; and she shall render an account to God, first, because she has married a second husband; and again, because she promised to be a widow unto God, and was receiving (alms) as a widow, but did not continue in widowhood. But let not young widows be appointed to the widows order: yet let them be taken care of and helped, lest by reason of their being in want they be minded to marry a second time, and some harmful matter ensue. For this you know, that she who marries one husband may lawfully marry also a second; but she who goes beyond this is a harlot. Wherefore, assist those who are young, that they may persevere in chastity unto God. And do thou accordingly, 0 bishop, bestow care upon these. And be mindful also of the poor, and assist and support them, even though there be among them those who are not widowers or widows, yet are in need of help through want or sickness or the rearing of children, and are in distress.
It behoves thee to be careful of all and heedful of all. And hence it is that they who give gifts do not themselves with their own hands give them to the widows, but bring them to thee, that thou who art well acquainted of those who are in distress mayest, like a good steward, make distribution to them of those things which are given to thee: for God knows who it is that gives, even though he does not chance to be present. And when thou makest distribution, tell them the name of him who gave, that they may pray for him by name.

The Behaviour of Widows (ch. 15)

Every widow therefore should be meek and quiet and gentle. And let her also be without anger; and let her not be talkative or clamorous, or forward in tongue, or quarrelsome. And when she sees anything unseemly done, or hears it, let her be as though she saw and heard it not. For a widow should have no other care save to be praying for those who give, and for the whole Church. And when she is asked a question by any one, let her not straightway, give an answer, except only concerning righteousness and faith in God; but let her send them that desire to be instructed to the rulers. And to those who question them, let them (the widows) make answer only in refutation of idols and concerning the unity of God. But concerning punishment and reward, and the kingdom of the name of Christ, and His dispensation, neither a widow nor a layman ought to speak; for when they speak without the knowledge of doctrine, they will bring blasphemy upon the word. For when the Gentiles who are being instructed hear the word of God not fittingly spoken, as it ought to be, unto edification of eternal life - and all the more in that it is spoken to them by a woman - how that our Lord clothed Himself in a body, and concerning the passion of Christ: they will mock and scoff, instead of applauding the word of doctrine; and she shall incur a heavy judgment of sin.
It is neither right nor necessary therefore that women should be teachers, and especially concerning the name of Christ and the redemption of His passion. For you have not been appointed to this, 0 women, and especially widows, that you should teach, but that you should pray and entreat the Lord God. For if it were required that women should teach, our Master Himself would have commanded these (the holy women of the Gospel) to teach with us. But let a widow know that she is the altar of God; and let her sit ever at home, and not stray and run about among the houses of the faithful to receive. For the altar of God never strays about anywhere, but is fixed in one place.
For those who are gadabouts and without shame cannot be still even in their houses; for they are no widows, but wallets, and they care for nothing else but to be making ready to receive. And because they are gossips and chatterers and murmurers, they stir up quarrels; and they are bold and shameless. There are widows who esteem the matter as one of traffic, and receive greedily; and instead of doing good (works) and giving to the bishop for the entertainment of strangers and the refreshment of those in distress, they lend out on bitter usury. Now the prayer of such a one is not heard in regard to any thing. But she soon interrupts her prayer by reason of the distraction of her mind; for she does not offer prayer to God with all her heart, but goes off with the thought suggested by the Enemy, and talks with her friends about some unprofitable matter. For she knows not how she has believed, or of what order she has been accounted worthy.
But a widow who wishes to please God sits at home and meditates upon the Lord day and night, and without ceasing at all times offers intercession and prays with purity before the Lord. And she receives whatever she asks, because her whole mind is set upon this. Her prayer suffers no hindrance from any thing; and thus her quietness and tranquillity and modesty are acceptable before God, and whatever she asks of God, she presently receives her request. For such a widow, not loving money or filthy lucre, and not avaricious or greedy, but constant in prayer, and meek and unperturbed, and modest and reverent, sits at home and works at (her) wool, that she may make a return to others, so that she receive nothing from them.
Widows ought to be modest, and obedient to the bishop and the deacons, and to reverence and respect and fear the bishop as God. And let them not act after their own will, nor desire to do any thing apart from that which is commanded them, or without counsel speak with any one by way of making answer, or to go to any one to eat or drink, or to fast with any one, or to receive aught of any one, or to lay hand on and pray over any one without the command of the bishop or the deacon. For whence knowest thou, 0 woman, from whom thou receivest, or from what ministry thou art nourished, or for whom thou fastest, or upon whom thou layest hand?
But thou, 0 widow who art without discipline, seest thy fellow widows or thy brethren in sickness, and hast no care to fast and pray over thy members, and to lay hand upon them and to visit them, but feignest thyself to be not in health, or not at leisure; but to others, who are in sins or are gone forth from the Church, because they give much, thou art ready and glad to go and visit them. ..(107) (Abbreviated Text.)

It clearly appears that the widows of the Church, who were poor, had to resist the temptation of avarice which is frequent among the elderly—they were excited by the hope of receiving alms. As “the altar God,” it was more becoming for them to pray at home, and do handwork for others (e. g. spinning) than to run from house to house. Again, as being the “altar of God,” the bishop had to see that they be not defiled by alms coming from unjust people looking for a cheap form of reconciliation." (108)

As women, and more particularly because of their lack of instruction, they are forbidden to teach and warned against the temptation to answer all kinds of questions from pagans. There is nothing surprising here since we find similar reservations in Pastoral Epistles.

But we observe that the widows enjoyed a privilege: they were recognized as having a special power of intercession in prayer, and their laying of hands on the sick was considered to be effective. People gave aims in exchange for this spiritual service, and the widows were expected to pray for those who gave alms and whose names were revealed to them by the bishop. We can call this privilege a charism of healing, or more simply a special power of intercession. Why then would God rather listen to the prayers of these poor widows than to others? The answer comes from Scripture. Sirach says (35:13-14), “He hears the cry of the oppressed. He is not deaf to the wail of the orphan, nor to the widow when she pours out her complaint." We know from Shepherd of Hermas (Similitude 2), ‘The Vine and the Elm Tree", that the rich are poor in spiritual goods, whereas the prayers of the poor are powerful before God. Therefore in order to understand the importance of the widows we must add to the privilege of conversation with God inherent to the contemplative life, the special preference of God for the poor and the destitute.

Treatises and homilies on widowhood multiplied from the fourth century on. Epistles containing spiritual advice sometimes amounting to the equivalent of small treatises, were written by most of the fathers. (109) The lives of the great Roman ladies, mostly widows, contained in the Epistles of Jerome can also be considered as living teachings on widowhood. Their ideals were identical to those of the virgins of the same period, since they founded communities of virgins in their own houses and shared their lives with them

Jerome, Epistle 123 to Ageruchia

Jerome exhorts Ageruchia, a young widow, to embrace the ideals of Christian widowhood. Her grandmother Metronia, her mother Benigna, and her aunt Ageruchia were holy widows. She had offspring. Ageruchia sought the protection of the Church against her many suitors, and considered a vow of widowhood. Jerome answers objections taken from Paul: younger widows are likely to break their premature vow of consecrated widowhood and thereby to outrage Christ their Spouse by committing fornication against Him. Paul suggests a second marriage for such weak persons (I Tim. 5:11-12). Jerome even fears that they might be induced by the fear of consequences to kill the babies they have conceived in adultery, or that they become prostitutes. The words of Paul, it is worse to burn than to marry, does not mean that second marriage is good in itself, but simply relatively good, as preventing the evils described above. Paul prefers us to remain free of marriage in order to care for the things of God, not for those of a husband or of a wife. Widowhood restores this freedom (I Cor. 7:39-40). When Paul says that a second marriage should be made “in the Lord” (I Cor. 7:39), i.e., with a Christian partner, he does not withdraw his former advice of remaining in widowhood if possible. In addition, the requirement of sixty years of age for the registration of a widow does not presuppose that Paul is herewith urging unmarried women and young widows to marry, since he says, The time is short: it remaineth that they that have wives be as though they had none (I Cor. 7:29). And he invites relatives to support widows whenever possible ín order to alleviate the burden of the Church (I Tim. 5:3-16, 16).

Jerome observes that a distinctive mark of the priesthood is monogamy (no second marriage). But this precept applies also to laymen, since priests were recruited among laymen. We also know the law of Paul that no widow is to be appointed unless she has been the wife of only one husband. For all these reasons, it is clear that all the Christians should reject second marriage.

Like Tertullian (De exhortations castitatis 7), Jerome distinguishes between what Paul permits in order to avoid a worse evil - second marriage instead of fornication, and what he positively wants for us — and a life of .continence. Therefore when we do what He permits, we simply follow our own will. Jerome gives examples of the rejection of second marriage in Judaism (Lev. 22:12-13) and in paganism. The parable of the seeds provides an interesting comparison (Mat. 13:8): the hundredfold betokens the crown of virginity; the sixtyfold refers to the work of the widows; the thirtyfold denotes the marriage-tie; second marriage is not counted in this interpretation. Therefore, a woman who marries again may believe that she is worthy of praise, but she is just less worse off than the prostitutes. In spite of such statements, Jerome is still persuaded that he does not condemn second marriage: Do I condemn second marriage? not at all; but I commend first ones. Do I expel twice married persons from the Church? Far from it; but I urge those who have been once married to Lives of continence. Jerome mentions a man who buried twenty wives, and who married a widow who buried twenty-two husbands. Jerome does not consider such a union as marriage.

Like Tertullian, Jerome interprets the death of a wife or a husband as an invitation of God not to seek after a second marriage, and he argues in support of the unity of marriage from the marriage between Adam and Eve and between Christ and the Church, which are characterized by unity. He answers the objection derived from the polygamy of the Patriarchs by referring to the necessity to multiply imposed on them by Genesis 1:28. But things changed, Jeromes observes. Even before the coming of Christ God forbade Jeremiah to remarry (Jer. 16:2). Now the Law of Moses is abrogated by Christ, and the Judgment is near.

The pleasures of wedlock are not a good reason for remarriage since second marriage is a remedy to scandal, not to passion. The allegation that the affairs of women who live single lives are not prosperous is also not a good reason. The grandmother, mother and aunt of Ageruchia were highly regarded in the whole province and by the authorities of the Church of Rome. Soldiers and travellers do without wives. Why can’t you have grave and elderly servants or freedmen, such as those who have nursed you in your childhood, to preside over your house, to answer public calls, to pay taxes; men who will look up to you as a patroness, who will revere you as a saint? In his conclusion, Jerome invites Ageruchia to only think of the Kingdom of God, and, like the lily, to count on God’s providence. (111) (Resumé with direct quotations.)

Jerome Epistle 54 to Furia on Widowhood

Jerome exhorts Furia to persevere in her vow of widowhood. He states that her relatives Paula and Eustochium live in continence, and that a widow of her family never has entered a second marriage. Jerome knows that many will hate him for giving her such advice, but what can be better than a soul deserving to be called the daughter of God and the Bride of Christ, who is at once her Bridegroom and her Lord? Jerome adds, Who shall you make your heir? The same who is already your Lord. Your father will be sorry but Christ wilt be glad; your family will grieve but the angels wilt rejoice with you. Let your father do what he likes with what is his own. You are not his to whom you have been born, but His to whom you have been born again, and who has purchased you at a great price with His own blood.

Furia should be wary of nurses and waiting maids who can give only bad advice to her, but she should imitate her holy mother. Jerome remembers her as one whose zeal for Christ comes into my mind, and not her zeal only but the paleness induced by her fasting, the alms given by her to the poor, the courtesy shewn by her to the servants of God, the lowliness of her garb and heart, and the constant moderation of her language. Jerome respects her father not because he is a Patrician and consular, but because he is a Christian: he should therefore understand her resolution. God manifested His will to her in the death of her husband: she should take this opportunity to turn to a better life, like Paul who began badly but ended well, and not like Judas whose beginning won praise, but his end, condemnation. Luxurious life, and make-up are unbecoming to a woman who is consecrated to Christ and has to atone for her former sins. She can master her passions with prayer and fasting, and live a true spiritual life. Jerome advises her to do without meat and wine, which are incentives to lust according to physicians and Paul. Too many vegetables also can overload her stomach and have the same effect. It is better to eat little than to fast for several days and then eat with excess.

She should daily read Scripture and the writings of pious men. With her riches she can make friends who will welcome her in the heavens: the poor and the needy. But young men and musicians should not enter her house. Her servants should be worthy of her - not her of them - and she should live simply, not luxuriously.

Have about you Troops of virgins whom you may lead into the King’s chamber. Support widows that you may mingle them as a kind of violet with the virgin’s lilies and the martyrs’ roses. Such are the garlands you must weave for Christ in place of that crown of thorns in which he bore the sine of the world.

Young widows give the following as an excuse for a second marriage my little patrimony is daily decreasing, the property which I have inherited is being squandered, a servant has spoken insultingly to me, a maid has neglected my orders. Who will appear for me before the authorities? Who will be responsible for the rents of my estates? Jerome warns of the bad consequences of a second marriage for the sons of the first bed, and the danger to a widow's life if her second husband marries her for her money.
Jerome offers her the example of holy widows of Scripture: Ann the daughter of Phanuel, the widow of Sarpeta who fed Elijah, Judith, Debora, the poor widow of Mark 12:43 who gave two mites, and Marcella, who embraced a life of continence among the great Roman ladies. (112) (Resumé with direct quotations.)

THE VIRGINS (113)

Virgins dedicated to God are mentioned in Polycarp's Epistle, where they are simply numbered with the widows; in Apostolic Tradition, (114) which specifies that "a virgin does not receive the laying on of hands; it is her choice alone that makes her a virgin"; in Tertullian, (115) who mentions "many virgins married to Christ." However, they did not constitute an order or a rank in the Church before the second half of the third century. When he exhorted virgins to wear a veil, Tertullian did not distinguish the consecrated virgins from the others. Didascalia Apostotorum did not mention a rank of virgins in the middle of the third century; Apostolic Constitutions did one century later.

The virgins have their place in Origen, who wrote for them a Commentary on Song of Songs. At the end of the third century Methodius Olympus, in his Symposium of the Virgins, develops in ten speeches the major themes of the spiritual life of virgins dedicated to God. From this time on consecrated virgins multiplied everywhere. Together with monasteries of men, monasteries of women appeared.

The present section begins with a form of virginal life life less known but more important in the Early Church than convent monasticism: the life of thousands and thousands of virgins in all Churches in the East and the West who, from the time of Cyprian and of Methodius in the middle of the third century to the time of Chrysostom and Gregory the Great in the 5th and 6th century and later, lived in their own homes without being subjected to a superior and a rule, under the general supervision of the bishop. Then the beginnings of convent life for virgins is explained through an examination of the Rule of Pachomius, the Epistle of Augustine to his convent of women in Hippo, the Life of Macrina by Gregory of Nyssa, the rule of Paula (one of the great Roman ladies following Jerome) for her monastery, and a few legal documents. Finally, their mystical, liturgical, and active life will be presented. In order to deal in depth with their spiritual life, the religious anthropological foundations of the life of virginity which have been developed by certain Fathers of the Church must be dealt with, particularly those developed by Gregory of Nyssa.

Independent Life of the Virgins

In the third century, Tertullian, Cyprian, Clement of Alexandria, Methodius Olympus, the author of the Epistula Clementis ad virgines etc., wrote about virginity. The spiritual meaning of virginal life was clearly defined: the search for perfection in asceticism and prayer, and a mystical marriage to Christ. This spiritual meaning is explained in a later section. The status of the virgins in the church corresponded to this spiritual dignity. From the middle of the third century, there was a special rank or dignity for virgins. It paralleled, and progressively substituted for, the rank of the widows in the exercise of contemplative life. In the large cities of Antioch and Constantinople during the time of Chrysostom, where the Church had to support crowds of poor widows, many of them were so "dehumanized" by poverty that contemplative life could not have had much appeal for them. But virgins filled the ranks and performed the obligations of the contemplatives in the community. They lived in private houses and not in convents, as is indicated from the remarks of Chrysostom about the difficulties of their guardianship. Even in the time of Gregory the Great, and later, we find evidence for a wide spread practice of religious life by virgins outside of convents. This evidence is found in the epistles or treatises on virginity of Cyprian, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, Augustine, Leo, Gregory the Great, etc., which address the needs of these virgins living in the world. (116) A second source of evidence is found in juridical documents of the Church and also Roman Law, during the time of the Christian Empire.

In order to illustrate the life of the virgins in the world, we may consider two texts: 1) Cyprian's De habitu virginum (117) for third century Africa; 2) Chrysostom's on the Priesthood III 17 on the guardianship of virgins, written at the end of the fourth century in Antioch.

Cyprian's De habitu virginum offers a well developed mystical and ascetic doctrine of virginity which includes the ideas of the marriage to Christ, angelic life, victory over the flesh, modesty, and renunciation. But an uninformed reader may wonder at the type of advice which is given. It is perfectly credible, however, if we consider that these virgins lived in the world, among pagans and Christians who too often adopted the same worldly practices.

In this treatise we find that a virgin was to please the Lord only, and yet too often she remained exceedingly attached to her earthly possessions and the care of her body. Paul and Peter prescribed moderation in dress and ornament to rich women. These women, Cyprian notes, may give as an excuse the necessity to please their husbands. But a virgin who has no excuse for adorning herself and cannot blame the fault on her husband should keep that observance. Like other women, when virgins dress their hair sumptuously and walk so as to draw attention in public, and attract the eyes of the youth, they cannot be excused on the pretence that they are chaste and modest in mind. They cause others to perish, and as it were offer a sword or poison to the spectator.

Ornaments and garments and the allurements of beauty are not fitting for any but prostitutes and immodest women. Therefore let chaste and modest virgins avoid the dress of the unchaste, the manners of the immodest, the ensigns of brothels, and the ornaments of harlots. Cyprian refers to Scripture. (l18) According to Cyprian the "sons of God" of Gen. 6:1-13 are the Devil and his angels, and they taught women about magic and make-up. Actually, Cyprian is repeating an argument of Tertullian in De cuttu feminarum. Using Tertullian's argument against make-up and hair dye, Cyprian repeats that God has not created sheep with scarlet or purple fleece. What we find here is Stoic reasoning: the work of nature, which is the work of God, ought in no manner to be adulterated. To do so is a fault against nature, and a sin against God.

However, it seems that Cyprian is going beyond Stoicism. In the resurrection, he says, God may not recognize these virgins. They ought not to be counted among virgins, but like infected sheep and diseased cattle, should be driven away from the holy and pure flock of virginity lest by living together they should pollute the rest with their contagion and ruin others even as they have perished themselves.

Cyprian's severity seems to be justified by what follows. Some virgins were not ashamed to be present at marriage parties, where lasciviousness was a reality. others frequented promiscuous baths where they were seen naked and could see men naked. According to Cyprian - he was not exaggerating - the danger was serious because of the mores of pagan society. Cyprian added:For this reason, the Church frequently mourns over her virgins (ibid).

Cyprian does not enlarge on the particular duties of virgins in the community, because nothing but more freedom to serve the Lord distinguished them from the other faithful. Just like others, they were invited, if wealthy, to help the poor: "You say that you are wealthy and rich, and you think that you should use those things which God has willed you to possess. Use them, certainly, but for the things of salvation; use them, but for good purposes; use them, but for those things which God has commanded, and which the Lord has set forth. Let the poor feel that you are wealthy; let the needy feel that you are rich. Lend your estate to God; give food to Christ. Move Him by the prayers of many to grant you to carry out the glory of virginity and to succeed in coming to the Lord's rewards." (119)

In the same text, we see virgins obtaining through their alms the powerful intercession of the poor in the form of prayers for their perserverance in virginity. Like all other Christians, virgins needed the intercession of the poor.

Chrysostom's treatiseOn the Priesthoodshows that, at the end of the fourth century in Antioch, many virgins were still living in their own houses. Thus they were exposed to all the dangers for their life of holy continence which a gigantic city could present because of the low moral standards of many pagans and also Christians. Generally, in spite of the existence of convents of women in the city itself, these virgins did not live in convents but under the more or less efficient supervision of a priest appointed to this office by the bishop. After a long section concerning the widows, Chrysostom explains how difficult and delicate the supervision of the virgins was:

But in the care of virgins, the fear is greater in proportion as the possession is more precious, and this flock is of a nobler character than the others. Already, indeed, even into the band of these holy ones, an infinite number of women have rushed full of innumerable bad qualities; and in this case our grief is greater than in the other: for there is just the same difference between a virgin and a widow, as between a free-born damsel and her handmaid. With widows, indeed, it has become a common practice to trifle, and to rail at one another, to flatter or to be impudent, to appear everywhere in public, and to perambulate the marketplace. But the virgin has striven for nobler aims, and eagerly sought the highest kind of philosophy, and professes to exhibit upon earth the life which angels lead, and while yet in the flesh proposes to do deeds which belong to the incorporeal powers.
Moreover, she ought not to make numerous or unnecessary journeys, neither is it permissible for her to utter idle and random words; and as for abuse and flattery, she should not even know them by name.
On this account she needs the most careful guardianship, and the greater assistance. For the enemy of holiness is always surprising and lying in wait for these persons, ready to devour any one of them if she should slip and fall; many men also there are who lay snares for them; and besides all these things there is the passionateness of their own human nature, so that-speaking generally, the virgin has to equip herself for a twofold war, one which attacks her from without, and the other which presses upon her from within.
For these reasons he who has the superintendence of virgins suffers great alarm, and the danger and distress is yet greater, should any of the things which are contrary to his wishes occur, which God forbid. For if a daughter kept in seclusion is a cause of sleeplessness to her father, his anxiety about her depriving him of sleep, where the fear is great lest she should be childless, or pass the flower of her age (unmarried), or be hated (by her husband), what will he suffer whose anxiety is not concerned with any of these things, but others far greater? For in this case it is not a man who is rejected, but Christ Himself, nor is this barrenness the subject merely of reproach, the evil ends in the destruction of the soul; for every tree, it is said, which does not bring forth good fruit, is hewn down and cast into the fire. (Mat. 3:10). And for one who has been repudiated by the divine Bridegroom, it is not sufficient to receive a certificate of divorce and so to depart, but she has to pay the penalty of everlasting punishment.
Moreover, a father according to the flesh has many things which make the custody of his daughter easy; for the mother, and nurse, and a multitude of handmaids share in helping the parent to keep the maiden safe. For neither is she permitted to be perpetually hurrying into the market-place, nor when she does go there is she compelled to show herself to any of the passers-by, the evening darkness concealing one who does not wish to be seen no less than the walls of the house. And apart from these things, she is relieved from every cause which might otherwise compel her for a twofold war, one which attacks her from without, and the other which presses upon her from within.

For these reasons he who has the superintendence of virgins suffers great alarm, and the danger and distress is yet greater, should any of the things which are contrary to his wishes occur, which God forbid. For if a daughter kept in seclusion is a cause of sleeplessness to her father, his anxiety about her depriving him of sleep, where the fear is great lest she should be childless, or pass the flower of her age (unmarried), or be hated (by her husband), what will he suffer whose anxiety is not concerned with any of these things, but others far greater? For in this case it is not a man who is rejected, but Christ Himself, nor is this barrenness the subject merely of reproach, the evil ends in the destruction of the soul; for every tree, it is said, which does not bring forth good fruit, is hewn down and cast into the fire. (Mat. 3:10). And for one who has been repudiated by the divine Bridegroom, it is not sufficient to receive a certificate of divorce and so to depart, but she has to pay the penalty of everlasting punishment.

Moreover, a father according to the flesh has many things which make the custody of his daughter easy; for the mother, and nurse, and a multitude of handmaids share in helping the parent to keep the maiden safe. For neither is she permitted to be perpetually hurrying into the market-place, nor when she does go there is she compelled to show herself to any of the passersby, the evening darkness concealing one who does not wish to be seen no less than the walls of the house. And apart from these things, she is relieved from every cause 'which might otherwise compel her

to meet the gaze of men; for no anxiety about the necessaries of life, no menaces of oppressors, nor anything of that kind reduces her to this unfortunate necessity, her father acting in her stead in all these matters; while she herself has only one anxiety, which is to avoid doing or saying anything unworthy of the modest conduct which becomes her.
But in the other case there are many things which make the custody of the virgin difficult, or rather impossible for the father; for he could not have her in his house with himself, as dwelling together in that way would be neither seemly nor safe. For even if they themselves should suffer no loss, but continue to preserve their innocence unsullied, they would have to give an account for the souls which they have offended, just as much as if they happened to sin with one another. And it being impossible for them to live together, it is not easy to understand the movements of the character, and to suppress the impulses which are ill regulated, or train and improve those which are better ordered and tuned. Nor is it an easy thing to interfere in her habits of walking out; for her poverty and want of a guardian does not permit him to become an exact investigator of the propriety of her conduct. For as she is compelled to manage all her affairs she has many pretexts for going out, if at least she is not inclined to be self-controlled. Now he who commands her to stay always at home ought to cut off these pretexts, providing for her independence in the necessaries of life, and giving her some woman who will see to the management of these things. He must also keep her away from funeral obsequies, and nocturnal festivals; for that artful serpent knows only too well how to scatter his poison through the
medium even of good deeds. And the maiden must be fenced on every side, and rarely go out of the house during the whole year, except when she is con-strained by inexorable necessity. Now if any one should say that none of these things is the proper work of a bishop to take in hand, let him be assured that the anxieties and the reasons concerning what takes place in every case have to be referred to him....
However, I could not enumerate all the anxieties concerned with the care of the virgins; for when they have to be entered on the list, they occasion no small trouble to him who is entrusted with this business. (120)

Cyprian and Chrysostom also agreed in their condemnation of the widespread custom of male and female ascetics living under the same roof. (121) Many other writers joined them in this condemnation. They feared the danger of sin, and of scandal or at least suspicion on the part of the rest of the Christian community. Surprisingly, it does not seem that these situations were frequent. In the case mentioned by Cyprian virgins dwell with deacons, but there is no evidence of sin. (122) Chrysostom does not even seem to have had a particular case in mind, otherwise he would have mentioned it to confirm the danger of such a custom. Jerome's accusation is slanderous.(123) The Council of Ancyra (314) prohibited such cohabitation in a canon condemning fallen virgins as bigamists.(124) It was also prohibited by the laws of the Emperor.(125) The custom of the subintroductae virgines is mentioned from Cyprian to Chrysostom, and in both the West and the East. It was a form of mutual help and protection, and probably it offered some spiritual advantage as well. However, we would not disagree with Cyprian and Chrysostom regarding its potential danger. When ascetics want the advantage of mutual support, the best system is of course that of a community of men or of women, i.e., convent life, which allows a true communal life with its material and spiritual advantages.

Development of Convent Life for Virgins

The fourth century was the "golden age" of the Church in many respects. The conversion of the Emperor and the end of persecutions, a large increase in the number of Christians, the development of liturgy and the judiciary in the local Church, a clear definition and exercise of Metropolitan structures, and finally, the resolution of Trinitarian and Christological controversies in the great councils of that period—all these things are ample evidence of a surge of life in the Church. It would be unfair to say with Jerome and many modern scholars that the Church lost her spiritual strength in the Constantinian era because of the slothful and half-converted crowd which invaded her ranks.(126) The same heroism of Christian life which made martyrs during the persecutions originated the monks of the Christian Empire. It is right to say that they withdrew to the desert in order to find perfection outside a community which did not live up to the level of their ideals. It is true also that these same monks were the product of the Christian community from which they withdrew.

Not only did many virgins live among the Christian community, but often monasteries of women appeared next to the monasteries of men in cities and the desert. The present section deals with this development of convent life for women in the Constantinian era.

Pachomius, the founder of cenobitic life in Egypt, established a monastery for women under the direction of his sister which was patterned after the monastery for men on the other side of the river. In the Lausiac History, Palladius, who describes the rule of Pachomius, provides some information about the monastery of women and an event which occurred there:

In addition to these was also a monastery of some four hundred women. They had the same sort of management and the same way of life, except for the cloak. The women lived on one side of the river opposite the men. When a virgin died, the others laid her out for burial, and they carried her body and placed it on the bank of the river. The brethren would cross on a ferry-boat and carrying palm leaves and olive branches bring the body over and bury it in the common cemetery.
No one goes over to the women's monastery except the priest and deacon, and they go only on Sunday. This incident took place in that monastery; a tailor of the world crossed over through ignorance, looking for work. A young virgin came out - the place was deserted - and heard his story. She answered him: "We have our own tailors."
Another virgin saw this happen, and a while later, when an argument ensued, she was stirred up by a diabolical motive and her mind was so deranged that she made a false accusation against the other to the rest of the sisterhood. A few joined her in this wicked act. The other was so grieved at undergoing this persecution, since she had not had the slightest idea of committing such a sin, that she could remain there no longer and she secretly threw herself into the river and died.
The talebearer, realizing the guilt on her own part in her false accusation, aware that she was the one who had brought about the crime, could stand it no longer and hanged herself. The other sisters told the whole story to the priest when he came. He ordered that the sacrifice was not to be offered for either of them. As for those who did not effect a reconciliation when they knew the charge was completely false and still were willing to believe their story, he separated them from the others and forbade them to receive Communion for a period of seven years.(127)

According to the Rule of Pachomius,(128) the women divided their work between prayer (private and common) and handwork. They made the clothes of the monks and their own. They were trained in obedience to a superior and exercised in the specific virtues of community life. They learned the Holy Scriptures by heart, especially the Psalms, for the purpose of worship and of meditation. According to the Pachomian Rule, training in community life was a necessary step before becoming hermit. Compared to the number of cenobites, hermits were few. However, cases of women living as hermits are known.

Pachomius entrusted his sister with the direction of the monastery of women. (129) According to Athanasius (130) the sister of Anthony was head of a monastery of virgins in Egypt. According to Gregory Nazianzen, Basil founded monasteries of virgins, (131) and his sister Macrina organized a monastery of women in the family house. (132) Ambrose's sister was the head of a monastery of women in Rome. (133) Constantine's daughter founded the community of virgins of St. Agnes in Rome. (134) The great Roman ladies who surrounded Jerome founded communities of women in their own houses. Marcella opened her house on the Aventine to widows and virgins interested in contemplative life.(135) Principia, Asella, Fabiola, Paula and her daughters belonged to the first group of Roman ladies, whose teacher and spiritual adviser was Jerome.136 Later on, Paula and her daughter Eustochium joined Jerome in Palestine and founded a monastery of women in Bethlehem. (137) Augustine's sister was the head of the monastery of women at Hippo.(138) Scholastica, the sister of Benedict of Nursia, headed a monastery of women. Gregory the Great mentioned the existence of convents of women in Rome and the country-side, and founded such a convent near the Agrippa Baths.(139) The same Gregory attested that during the invasion of the Lombards he had to support three thousand religious women living in monasteries, part of whom may have been refugees. (140) In the first half of the fifth century, Etheria, who was probably the superior of a monastery of women in Spain, travelled all over Asia Minor and visited many convents of virgins. (141) According to Sulpicius Severus (142) there were monasteries of women in France as early as the fourth century, and Possidius, Augustine's biographer, (143) attests that because of Augustine's influence monasteries of women in Africa were prosperous. Melania the Younger from Rome (l44) and Empress Eudoxia from Constantinople founded convents of women in Jerusalem.(145) All these examples are just a few among many others. They are better known because they are the foundations of famous women or of famous men through family members. Like monasteries of men, convents of women were founded in every Church and often the bishop made arrangements in order to secure the possessions and privileges of these communities against possible contrary interests of successors. The maximum density of convents in a local Church seems to have been reached by the Theban town of Oxyrhynchos which, according to the Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, counted 5000 monks in the city and the same number outside.(146)

The following passages will serve to illustrate this movement

The Life of Macrina, (Gregory of Nyssa)

Macrina was a woman who raised herself by 'philosophy' to the greatest heights of human virtue (Intr.) . In other terms, Macrina aimed at perfection according to the ideals of 'philosophy' or wisdom. She was also capable of theological speculation.

Her parents gave her the name of her grandmother who confessed Christ during the persecution. But according to a vision of her mother Emmelia, she was destined to be a new Thecla, the pattern of holy virginity.

The education of the child was her mother's task. She taught her not those tragic passions of womanhood which afforded poets their suggestions and plots, or the indecencies of comedy, to be so to speak, defiled with unseemly tales of "the harem". But such parts of inspired Scripture as you think were incomprehensible to young children were the subject of the girl's studies; in particular the Wisdom of Solomon, and those parts of it especially which have an ethical bearing. Nor was she ignorant of any part of the Psalter, but at stated times she recited every part of it . When she rose from bed, or engaged in household duties, or rested, or par-took of food, or retired from table, when she went to bed or rose in the night for prayer, the Psalter was her constant companion, like a good fellow-traveller that never deserted her (p. 23).

When she reached her 12th year— she was a beautiful girl— , a great swarm of suitors seeking her in marriage crowded round, her parents. But her father - a shrewd man with a reputation for forming right decisions --picked out from the rest a young man related to the family, who was just leaving school, of good birth and remarkable steadiness, and decided to betroth his daughter to him, as soon as she was old enough. Meantime he aroused great hopes, and he offered to his future father-in-laws his fame in public speaking, as it were one of the bridegroom gifts; for he displayed the power of his eloquence in forensic contests on behalf of the wronged.

But Envy cut off these bright hopes by snatching away the poor lad from life. Now Macrina was not ignorant of her father's schemes. But when the plan formed for her was shattered by the young man's death, she said her father's intention was equivalent to a marriage, and resolved to ''remain single henceforward, just as if the intention had become accomplished fact. And indeed her determination was more steadfast than could have been expected from her age, For when her parents brought proposals of marriage to her, as often happened owing to the number of suitors that came attracted by the fame of her beauty, she would say that it was absurd and unlawful not to be faithful to the marriage that had been arranged for her by her father, but to be compelled to consider another; since in the nature of things there was but one marriage, as one birth and one death. She persisted that the man who had been linked to her by her parents' arrangement was not dead, but that she considered him who lived to God, thanks to the hope of the resurrection, to be absent only, not dead; it was wrong not to keep faith with the bridegroom who was away (p. 24-25).

She cared for her mother and helped her to bear her burden of responsibilities, for she had four sons and five daughters, and paid taxes to three different governors, since her property was scattered in as many districts. In consequence her mother was distracted with various anxieties, for her father had by this time departed this life. In all these matters she shared her mother's toils, dividing her cares with her, and lightening her heavy load, of sorrows. At one and the same time, thanks to her mother's guardianship, she was keeping her own life blameless, so that her mother's eye both directed and witnessed all she did; and also by her own life she instructed her mother greatly, leading her to the same mark, that of philosophy I mean, and gradually drawing her on to the immaterial and more perfect life (p. 27).

When her brother Basil, returned from the University (Antioch and Athens), she converted him to her ideals: When the mother had arranged excellent marriages for the other sisters, such as was best in each case, Macrina's brother, the great Basil, returned after his long period of education, already a practised rhetorician. He was puffed up beyond measure with the pride of oratory and looked down on the local dignitaries, excelling in his own estimation all the men of leading and position. Nevertheless Macrina took him in hand, and with such speed did she draw him also toward the mark of philosophy that he forsook the glories of this world and despised fame by speaking, and deserted it for this busy life where one toils with one's hands . His renunciation of property was complete, lest anything should impede the life of virtue .

Then, Macrina and her mother organized their life at home: Macrina persuaded her mother to give up "her ordinary life and all showy style of living, and the services of domestics to which she had been accustomed before, and bring her point of view down to that of the masses, and to share the life of the maids, treating all her slave girls and menials as if they were sisters and, belonged to the same rank as herself,.. The life of the virgin (Macrina) became her mother's guide and led her to this philosophic and spiritual manner of life. And weaning her from all accustomed, luxuries, Macrina drew her on to adopt her own standard of humility. She induced her to live on a footing of equality with the staff of maids, so as to share with them in the same food, the same kind of bed, and in all the necessaries of life without any regard to differences of rank. No anger or .jealousy, no hatred, or pride, was observed in their midst, nor anything else of this nature, since they had cast away all vain desires for honour and glory, all vanity, arrogance, and the like. Continence was their luxury, and obscurity their glory. Poverty and the casting away of all material superfluities like dust from their bodies, was their wealth . . .Nothing was left but the care of divine things and the unceasing round of prayer and endless hymnody, coextensive with time itself, practised night and day.. .what human words could make you realise such a life as this, a life on the borderline between human and spiritual nature? (p. 34-35).

Naucratius, the second of the four brothers, was a brilliant boy who was very successful as an orator and lawyer. When he was 21 years old, drawn by an irresistible impulse, he went off to a life of solitude and poverty, caring for old people whom he fed with the fruit of his fishing expeditions, but he died accidentally. His death afflicted the women very deeply, and Macrina had to teach her mother how to be brave in soul

Macrina also trained her younger brother Peter; She took him soon after birth from the nurse's breast and reared him herself and educated him on a lofty system of training, practising him from infancy in holy studies, so as not to give his soul leisure to turn to vain things. Thus having become all things to the lad — father, teacher, tutor, mother, giver of all good advice — . . .he aspired to the high mark of philosophy. ..He was all in all to his sister and mother, cooperating with them in the pursuit of the angelic life. Once, when a severe famine had occurred and crowds from all quarters were frequenting the retreat where they lived, drawn by the fame of their benevolence, Peter's kindness supplied such an abundance of food that the desert seemed a city by reason of the number of visitors (p. 37-38).

Basil became priest and then bishop of Caesarea of Cappadocia. He ordained Peter to the priesthood. Gregory, the future bishop of Nyssa, the author of the Life of Macrina, was also trained by his sister Macrina. We know through Gregory's sermon on the 40 martyrs of an event of his youth which manifests his reluctance to comply with the training offered by Macrina. Gregory, who was then a student, refused to participate with his mother and sister in a pilgrimage to the shrine of the martyrs of Sebastes. Severely warned in a vision, he repented and wept on the relics, begging for pardon. Later on, however, although he was a reader in church and a man promised to a life of continence, he married and became a rhetor in Caesarea. He came back to the ideals of monasticism "without the glory of virginity", and was made a bishop of Nyssa against his will by his brother Basil. He loved theological speculation more than the busy life of a pastor. But in spite of his poor administrative ability, he proved to be a good bishop.

Macrina founded a monastery for women on their estate at Annesi, where Basil had already founded a monastery for men. At that time Peter was the successor of Basil as the head of this community. Macrina was not the head of the community of the women, but she was a living example and a spiritual mother for all. Gregory of Nyssa describes his last visit to her and her death, and gives us details about her asceticism and her contemplative life. For instance, she did not sleep on a bed or couch, but on the floor. Gregory and Macrina had a long theological conversation: she discussed various subjects, inquiring into human affairs and revealing in her conversation the divine purpose concealed in disasters. Besides this, she discussed the future life, as if inspired by the Holy Spirit, so that it almost seemed, as if my soul were lifted up by the help of her words away from mortal nature and placed within the heavenly sanctuary... She was uplifted as she discoursed to us on the nature of the soul and explained the reason of life in the flesh, and why man was made, and how he was mortal, and the origin of death and the nature of the journey from death to life again, (p. 46)...She did not even in her last breath find anything strange in the hope of the Resurrection, nor even shrink at the departure from this life, but with lofty mind continued to discuss up to her last the convictions she had formed from the beginning about this life — all this seemed to me more than human (p. 53).
She also discussed the idea of spiritual marriage, basis of the consecration of holy virginity: "Therefore I think she revealed to the bystanders that divine and pure love of the invisible bridegroom, which she kept hidden and nourished in the secret places of the soul toward Him whom she desired, that she might speedily be with. Him, loosed from the chains of the body. For in very truth her course was directed towards virtue, and, nothing else could divert her attention.
Her last prayer, framed after the liturgical prayer at burials, reflects her view of the Cross of Christ as a pattern of self-offering in continence and renunciation of the world and the flesh. She died while she was reciting the thanksgiving prayer at the lighting of the lamp for Vespers. After her death, some secrets of her ascetic life were discovered. Vestiana, a widow, the daughter of a Senator, who joined Macrina, and Lampadia, a deaconess, who was the head of the community, prepared her body. Macrina had no personal clothes, but Gregory had brought a beautiful bridal dress for the purpose of her burial. They discovered a chain and an iron cross with a relic of the cross of Christ on her neck. A scar on her breast was a reminder of a tumor she had in her youth, for which she refused to consult a physician: When her mother felt despondent and. again urged her bo allow the doctor to come, she said it would suffice for the cure of her disease if her mother would make the holy seal on the place with her hand. But when the mother put her hand within her bosom, to make the sign of the cross on the part, the sign worked and the tumour disappeared.
A funeral vigil took place around the corpse of Macrina, during which the virgins sang psalms and hymns as in the case of martyrs' festivals. There were no lamentations as was usual among the pagans and even the Christians. A ceremony took place in the church and was conducted by the local bishop. And Macrina was buried in the family grave. (Resumé with direct quotations.)

The Rule of Paula's Monastery

(1) The Story of Paula

Jerome relates the story of Paula in detail —her high birth, marriage, social relations in Rome, conversion and subsequent life as a Christian ascetic. She visited the monasteries of Nitria in Egypt and the most sacred places of the Holy Land. Finally she settled in Bethlehem, where she founded and headed a monastery of women. After her death, her daughter Eustochium became the head of the community.

What poor man, as he lay dying, was not wrapped in blankets given by Paula?
What bedridden person was not supported with money from her purse? She would seek out such with the greatest diligence throughout the city, and would think it a misfortune were any hungry and sick person to be supported by another's food. So lavish was her charity that she robbed her children; and, when her relatives remonstrated with her for doing so, she declared that she was leaving to them a better inheritance in the mercy of Christ (5).
My carping critics must not insinuate that I am drawing on my imagination or decking Paula, like Aesop's crow, with the fine feathers of other birds. Humility is the first of Christian graces, and hers was so pronounced that one who had never seen her, and who on account of her celebrity had desired to see her, would have believed that he saw not her but the lowest of her maids. When she was surrounded by companies of virgins she was always the least remarkable in dress, in speech, in gesture, and in gait. From the time that her husband died until she fell asleep herself she never sat at meat with a man, even though she might know him to stand on the pinnacle of the episcopate. She never entered a bath except when dangerously ill. Even in the severest fever she rested not on an ordinary bed but on the hard ground covered only with a mat of goat's hair; if that can be called rest which made day and night alike a time of almost unbroken prayer. Well did she fulfil the words of the psalter: All the night make I my bed to swim; I water my couch with my tears (Ps. 6:6) . Her tears welled forth as it were from fountains, and she lamented her slightest faults as if they were sins of the deepest dye. Constantly did I warn her to spare her eyes and to keep them for the reading of the Gospel; but she only said: "I must disfigure that face which contrary to God's commandments I have painted with rouge, white lead, and antimony. I must mortify this body which has been given up to many pleasures. I must make up for my long laughter by weeping. I must exchange my soft linen and costly silks for rough goat's hair. I who have pleased my husband and the world in the past, desire now to please Christ" (15).
I wished her to be more careful in managing her own concerns, but she with a faith more glowing than mine clave to the Saviour with her whole heart and poor in spirit followed the Lord in His poverty, giving back to Him what she had received and becoming poor for His sake. She obtained her wish at last and died leaving her daughter overwhelmed with a mass of debts. This Eustochium still owes and indeed cannot hope to pay off by her own exertions; only the mercy of Christ can free her from it (15).

(2) The Rule

Jerome explains the rules of Paula's monastery, and how she cared for everyone (20) :

I shall now describe the order of her monastery and the method by which she turned the continence of saintly souls to her own profit. She sowed carnal things that she might reap spiritual things; she gave earthly things that she might receive heavenly things; she forewent things temporal that she might in their stead obtain things eternal. Besides establishing a monastery for men, the charge of which she left to men, she divided into three companies and monasteries the numerous virgins whom she had gathered out of different provinces, some of whom were of noble birth while others belonged to the middle or lower classes. But, although they worked and had their meals separately from each other, these three companies met together for psalm-singing and prayer. After the chanting of the Alleluia - the signal by which they were summoned to the Collect - no one was permitted to remain behind. But either first or among the first Paula used to await the arrival of the rest, urging them to diligence rather by her own modest example than by motives of fear. At dawn, at the third, sixth, and ninth hours, at evening, and at midnight they, recited the psalter each in turn. No sister was allowed to be ignorant of the psalms, and all had every day to learn a certain portion of the holy scriptures. On the Lord's day only they proceeded to the church beside which they lived, each company following its own mother-superior. Returning home in the same order, they then devoted themselves to their allotted tasks, and made garments either for themselves or else for others. If a virgin was of noble birth, she was not allowed to have an attendant belonging to her own household lest her maid having her mind full of the doings of old days and of the license of childhood might by constant converse open old wounds and renew former errors. All the sisters were clothed alike. Linen was not used except for drying the hands. So strictly did Paula separate them from men that she would not allow even eunuchs to approach them. When a sister was backward in coming to the recitation of the psalms or showed herself remiss in her work, Paula used to approach her in different ways. Was she quick-tempered? Paula coaxed her. Was she phlegmatic? Paula chid her, copying the example of the apostle who said: What will ye? Shall I come to you with a rod or in love and in the spirit of meekness? (I Cor. 4:21) Apart from food and raiment she allowed no one to have anything she could call her own, for Paul had said, Having food and raiment let us be therewith content . (I Tim 6:8) She was afraid lest the custom of having more should breed covetousness in them; an appetite which no wealth can satisfy, for the more it has the more it requires, and neither opulence nor indigence is able to diminish it. When the sisters quarrelled one with another she reconciled them with soothing words. If the younger ones were troubled with fleshly desires, she broke their force by imposing redoubled fasts; for she wished her virgins to be ill in body rather than to suffer in soul. If she chanced to notice any sister too attentive to her dress, she reproved her for her error with knitted brows and severe looks, saying: "a clean body and a clean dress mean an unclean soul. A virgin's lips should never utter an improper or an impure word, for such indicate a lascivious mind and by the outward man the faults of the inward are made manifest." When she saw a sister verbose and talkative or forward and taking pleasure in quarrels, and when she found after frequent admonitions that the offender showed no signs of improvement; she placed her among the lowest of the sisters and outside their society, ordering her to pray at the door of the refectory instead of with the rest, and commanding her to take her food by herself, in the hope that where rebuke had failed shame might bring about a reformation. The sin of theft she loathed as if it were sacrilege; and that which among men of the world is counted little or nothing she declared to be in a monastery a crime of the deepest dye. How shall I describe her kindness and attention towards the sick or the wonderful care and devotion with which she nursed them? Yet, although when others were sick she freely gave them every indulgence, and even allowed them to eat meat; when she fell ill herself, she made no concessions to her own weakness, and seemed unfairly to change in her own case to harshness the kindness which she was always ready to show to others. (148) (Abbreviated Text.)

The Rule of Augustine for Women

Augustine's sister was the head of a convent of women at Hippo. After she died, a disagreement arose between her successor and the new priest appointed to serve the convent. In order to remedy the disorder in the convent, Augustine wrote to the community. His Epistle 211 (A.D. 413) deals with principles and details of community life and is considered as the Rule of Augustine. His Rule for men is simply a transposition of this Epistle to the masculine gender without adequate reworking.

Augustine, Epistle 211

The rules which we lay down to be observed by you as persons settled in a monastery are these: - First of all, in order to fulfil the end for which you have been gathered into one community, dwell in the house with unity of spirit, and let your hearts and minds be one in God. Also call nothing the property of anyone, but let all things be common property, and let distribution of food and raiment to be made to each of you by the prioress -not equally to all, because you are not all equally strong, but to every one according to her need. For you read in the Acts of the Apostles : They had all things in common: and distribution was made to every man according as he had need (Acts 4:35). Let those who had any worldly goods when they entered the monastery cheerfully desire that these become common property. Let those who had no worldly goods not ask within the monastery for luxuries which they could not have while they were outside of its walls. . .
Let them, moreover, not hold their heads high because they are associated on terms of equality with persons whom they durst not have approached in the outer world; but let them rather lift their hearts on high, and not seek after earthly possessions, lest, if the rich be made lowly but the poor be puffed up with vanity in our monasteries, these institutions become useful only to the rich, and hurtful to the poor. On the other hand, however, let not those who seemed to hold some position in the world regard with contempt their sisters, who in coming into this sacred fellowship, have left a condition of poverty; let them be careful to glory rather in the fellowship of their poor sisters, than in the rank of their wealthy parents...
Be regular in prayers at the appointed hours and times. In the oratory let no one do anything else than the duty for which the place was made, and from which it has received its name; so that if any of you, having leisure, wish to pray at other hours than those appointed, they may not be hindered by others using the place for any other purpose. In the psalms and hymns used in your prayers to God, let that be pondered in the heart which is uttered by the voice; chant nothing but what you find prescribed to be chanted; whatever is not so prescribed is not to be chanted.
Keep the flesh under by fastings and by abstinence from meat and drink, so far as health allows. When any one is not able to fast, let her not, unless she be ill, take any nourishment except at the customary hour of repast. From the time of your coming to table until you rise from it, listen without noise and wrangling to whatever may be in course read to you; let not your mouth alone be exercised in receiving food, let your ears be also occupied in receiving the word of God.
If those who are weak in consequence of their early training are treated somewhat differently in regard to food, this ought not to be vexatious or seem unjust to others whom a different training has made more robust. And let them not esteem these weaker ones more favoured than themselves, because they receive a fare somewhat less frugal than their own, but rather congratulate themselves on enjoying a vigour of constitution which the others do not possess. (They should not be disturbed) if to those who have entered the monastery after a more delicate upbringing at home, there be given any food, clothing, couch, or covering... It is a detestable perversion of monastic discipline, when the poor are trained to luxury in a monastery in which the wealthy are, so far as they can bear it, trained to hardships...
Let your apparel be in no wise conspicuous; and aspire to please others by your behaviour rather than by your attire. Let your head-dresses not be so thin as to let the nets below them be seen. Let your hair be worn wholly covered, and let it neither be carelessly dishevelled nor too scrupulously arranged when you go beyond the monastery. When you go anywhere, walk together; when you come to the place to which you were going, stand together. In walking, in standing, in deportment, and in all your movements let nothing be done which might attract the improper desires of any one, but rather let all be in keeping with your sacred character. Though a passing glance be directed toward any man, let your eyes look fixedly at none; for when you are walking you are not forbidden to see men, but you must neither let your desires go out to them, nor wish to be the objects of desire on their part. For it is not only by touch that a woman awakens in any man or cherishes towards him such desire, this may be done by inward feelings and by looks. And say not that you have chaste minds though you may have wanton eyes, for a wanton eye is the index of a wanton heart...
When, therefore, you are together in the church, or in any other place where men also are present, guard your chastity by watching over one another, and God, who dwelleth in you, will thus guard you by means of yourselves. And if you perceive in any one of your number this forwardness of eye, warn her at once, so that the evil which has begun may not go on, but be checked immediately. But if, after this admonition, you see her repeat the offence, or do the same thing on any other subsequent day, whoever may have had the opportunity of seeing this must now report her as one who has been wounded and requires to be healed, but not without pointing her out to another, and perhaps a third sister, so that she may be convicted by the testimony of two or three witnesses, and may be reprimanded with necessary severity... But before she is pointed out to others as witnesses by whom she may be convicted if she deny the charge, the offender ought to be brought before the prioress, if after admonition she has refused to be corrected, so that by her being in this way more privately rebuked, the fault which she has committed may not become known to all the others. If, however, she then deny the charge, then others must be employed to observe her conduct after the denial, so that now before the whole sisterhood she may not be accused by one witness, but convicted by two or three. When convicted of the fault, it is her duty to submit to the corrective discipline which may be appointed by the prioress or the prior. If she refuse to submit to this, and does not go away from you of her own accord, let her be expelled from your society....
But if any one among you has gone on into so great sin as to receive secretly from any man letters or gifts of any description, let her be pardoned and prayed for if she confess this of her own accord. If, however, she is found out and is convicted of such conduct, let her be more severely punished, according to the sentence of the prioress, or of the prior, or even of the bishop.
Keep your clothes in one place, under the care of one or two, or as many as may be required to shake them so as to keep them from being injured by moths; and as your food is supplied from the storeroom, let your clothes be provided from one wardrobe.... When persons of either sex bring to their own daughters in the monastery, or to inmates belonging to them by any other relationship, presents of clothing or of other articles which are to be regarded as necessary, such gifts are not to be received privately, but must be under the control of the prioress, that, being added to the common stock, they may be placed at the service of any inmate to whom they may be necessary. If any one conceal any gift bestowed on her, let sentence be passed on her as guilty of theft.
Let your clothes be washed, whether by yourselves or by washerwomen, at such intervals as are approved by the prioress, lest the indulgence of undue solicitude about spotless raiment produce inward stains upon your souls. Let the washing of the body and the use of baths be not constant, but at the usual interval assigned to it, i.e., once in a month. In the case, however, of illness rendering necessary the washing of the person, let it not be unduly delayed; let it be done on the physician's recommendation without complaint; and even though the patient be reluctant, she must do at the order of the prioress what health demands.... Finally, if a handmaid of God suffers from any hidden pain of body, let her statement as to her suffering be believed without hesitation; but if there is any uncertainty whether that which she finds agreeable be really of use in curing her pain, let the physician be consulted. To the baths, or to any place whither it may be necessary to go, let no fewer than three go at any time. Moreover, the sister requiring to go anywhere is not to go with those whom she may choose herself, but with those the prioress may order...
Let those who have charge, whether in the storeroom, or in the wardrobe, or in the library, render service to their sisters without murmuring. Let manuscripts be applied for at a fixed hour every day, and let none who ask them at other hours receive them. But at whatever time clothes and shoes may be required by one in need of these, let not those in charge of this department delay supplying the want.
Quarrels should be unknown among you, or at least, if they arise, they should, as quickly as possible be ended, lest anger grow into hatred, and convert a mote into a beam. ... Wherefore, abstain from hard words; but if they have escaped your lips, be not slow to bring words of healing from the same lips by which the wounds were inflicted. When, however, the necessity of discipline compels you to use hard words in res training the younger inmates, even though you feel that in these you have gone too far, it is not imperative on you to ask their forgiveness, lest while undue humility is observed by you towards those who ought to be subject to you, the authority necessary for governing them be impaired; but pardon must nevertheless be sought from the Lord of all, who knows with what good will you love even those whom you reprove it may be with undue severity.
The love which you bear to each other must not be carnal, but spiritual: for those things which are practised by immodest women in shameful frolic and sporting with one another ought not even to be done by those of your sex who are married, or are intending to marry, and much more ought not to be done by widows or chaste virgins dedicated to be the handmaids of Christ by a holy vow.
Obey the prioress as a mother, giving her all due honour, that God may not be offended by your forgetting what you owe to her: still more is it incumbent on you to obey the presbyter who has charge of you all. To the prioress most specially belongs the responsibility of seeing that all these rules be observed, and that if any rule has been neglected, the offence be not passed over, but carefully corrected and punished; it being, of course, open to her to refer to the presbyter any matter that goes beyond her province or power. But let her count herself happy not in exercising the power which rules, but in practising the love which serves. In honour in the sight of men let her he raised above you, but in fear in the sight of God let her be as it were beneath your feet. Let her show herself before all a pattern of good works. Let her warn the unruly, comfort the feebleminded, support the weak, be patient toward all (I Thess. 5:14). Let her cheerfully observe and cautiously impose rules. And , though both are necessary, let her be more anxious to be loved than to be feared by you; always reflecting that for you she must give account to God...
That you may examine yourselves by this treatise as by a mirror, and may not through forgetfulness neglect anything let it be read over by you once a week. (149)

Basil's Canon on Fallen Virgins

Through Basil's Canon on Fallen Virgins, we deeply see what was the essence of religious life for a virgin, and what behaviour was actually expected from her.

Basil's Canon on Fallen Virgins

Concerning fallen virgins who, after professing to the Lord the life in holiness, then, by succumbing to the lusts of the flesh, have made their vows void, our fathers, in simple terms and gently showing indulgence to the weakness of the fallen, decreed that they should be received after a year, ranking them on the principle of a likeness to bigamists. But it seems to me, since by God's grace the Church as it advances is becoming stronger, and the order of virgins is now increasing, that we should give strict attention both to the act as it appears to us on reflection, and to the meaning of Scripture as it is possible to discover it through inference. For widowhood is inferior to virginity: consequently the sin also of widows is much less than that of virgins. Let us see accordingly what is written to Timothy by Paul; But the younger widows avoid. For when they have grown wanton in Christ, they will marry: having damnation, because they have made void their first faith. (I Tim. 5:11-12). If, then, a widow lies under a very heavy charge, on the ground that she has made void her faith in Christ, what must we think of the virgin who is a spouse of Christ and a sacred vessel dedicated to the Lord! A great sin indeed it is that even a handmaid giving herself to a secret marriage should fill the house with corruption, and through her evil life do an affront to her master; but it is far worse, of course, that the bride should become an adulteress and, dishonouring her union with the bridegroom, give herself over to licentious pleasures. Therefore, while the widow, as a corrupted handmaid, is condemned, the virgin lies under the charge of adultery. Just as, therefore, we call him an adulterer who associates with the wife of another, not receiving him into communion until he cease from the sin, so clearly shall we also decree in the case of him who keeps the virgin. But we must now agree beforehand on this — that she is named a virgin who willingly has consecrated herself to the Lord, and has renounced marriage, and has preferred the life of holiness. And we sanction their professions from that time at which their age possesses the fullness of reason. For it is not proper to consider children's words entirely final in such matters, but she who is above sixteen or seventeen years, and is mistress of her faculties, who has been examined carefully and has remained constant and has persisted in her petitions for admittance, should then be enrolled among the virgins, and we should ratify the profession of said virgin, and inexorably punish her violation of it. For parents, and brothers, and other relatives bring forward many girls before the proper age, not because these girls have an inner urge toward celibacy, but in order that their relatives may provide some worldly advantage for themselves. Such should not be received readily, until we shall have clearly examined into their own personal inclination. (150)

Concerning the canonical status of a fallen virgin, Basil adds: "The fornication of canonical persons must not be accounted as marriage, but their union must by all means be dissolved."(151) He also states the following: and "She who has professed virginity and has failed in her promise shall fulfil the time for the sin of her adultery in the rule of a life by herself. The same also applies to those who have professed the monastic life and have fallen".(152) Augustine, however, who teaches the same doctrine of consecrated virginity as a spiritual marriage to Christ, refuses to derive the conclusion that a subsequent marriage would be invalid and should be dissolved:

Great evil results from the in inconsiderate opinion of persons who hold that the marriage of a woman who has been unfaithful to her holy vows is invalid; often, such women are forced to separate themselves from their husbands, as though they were adulteresses and not lawful wives, and, when those who hold this opinion wish these separated women to return to continence, they cause their husbands to become real adulterers when they marry other women while their wives are still living. On this account, it is impossible for me to admit that women who marry after abandoning a more perfect state do not contract a valid marriage but commit adultery.

A fallen virgin was considered and treated as an adulterous woman. The best evidence is the plea of Augustine against this interpretation. Civil law supported this view of the fallen virgin as an adulteress, did not acknowledge her marriage, and sometimes even punished her (153)

MYSTICAL, LITURGICAL AND ACTIVE LIFE OF THE VIRGINS

Mystical and Active Life

We turn now to a consideration of the spiritual life of virgins. Although they exercised some activity in charities or otherwise, nothing distinguished them in this regard from other women. Here or there they may have been teachers and nurses, since all religious were trained to read and there were hospitals attached to churches and monasteries, (155) but they cannot be compared to our teaching or nursing nuns of today who belong to active orders or are destined to an active life. Just like the widows studied above the virgins were contemplatives of the Early Church, living in prayer and asceticism. We also noticed above that contemplative life was considered to be the height and end of Christian life for both married and unmarried people. However, it was generally accepted that this perfection of life could be reached more easily by those whom widowhood or an early consecration had made free for service to God. Widows seem to have comprised a majority of the contemplative in the three first centuries, but in the fourth century virgins increased in number and were the true representatives of contemplative life.

Can we say that the virgins practised a much more severe asceticism than other Christians? All the Fathers of the Church, beginning with Tertullian and Hermas, speak of "stations", i.e., days of fasting and vigils in the Church. As a Montanist Tertullian inclined to increase the number and severity of these stations, but did not add any particular obligations for virgins in this regard. Hermas simply urged the faithful, without discrimination, to give as alms what they could save through fasting. Cyprian repeated the same teaching, seeing in this combination between fasting and almsgiving a twofold title to obtain the remission of our sins. But, when he recommends almsgiving to virgins, he seems to be addressing well-to-do persons who can easily give to the poor from their superfluous wealth.

The asceticism taught in the treatises on virginity of that period of time is related to the usual questions: make-up, clothes, ornaments, modesty and continence, the sins of the tongue, and above all the temptation of pride. Virgins inclined, indeed, to extol themselves above other women because of the generally recognized principle of the superiority of virginity over marriage.

The principle of asceticism for virgins embodied the repeated affirmation that they should profess to live according to the standards of angelic life. (156) The life of virginity appears as a perfection of or an addition to baptism, in so far as the virgin does not live according to the flesh but according to the Spirit. Although still abiding in a body upon earth, the virgin enjoys (to a large extent) the condition of the Sons of the Resurrection, "who do not marry and are not given in marriage, but are similar to the angels of God." Like the angels, the virgin contemplates and sings praises to God.

At this point of our development, it might be pertinent to say something concerning an anthropology developed in the fourth century by Gregory of Nyssa, the brother of Basil and Macrina. It may be found at least implicitly in many others. This amazing anthropology explains the theological importance of virginity, and relies on virginity as its principle

Gregory of Nyssa explains (157) that God created man according to His image and likeness, but instead of giving him the body suited to the divine image he gave him the body of the brute, creating him "male and female", with the order to "grow and multiply" like animals. In His mercy, God wanted to prevent man from the irremissible fall of angels. For that purpose He provided our race with a mode of life and thought which was indeed inferior to that of the angels, but this makes a return possible. Actually human spiritual life has its ups and downs. Opportunities for sin multiply, but also opportunities for good deeds. The Redemption through Christ is made possible by the delay imposed on our final salvific decision by the weakness of our human nature. After our death we shall be given, not this corruptible body, but the body of the Resurrection, i.e., our genuine body, suited to our creation according to the image and likeness of God. The body of the resurrection has nothing to do with the characteristics designated by male and female. Gregory of Nyssa, therefore, can call it the "body of our virginity." As a corollary, he can affirm that those upon earth who live in holy virginity actually live according to the genuine patterns of creation, and anticipate our future heavenly condition when we shall put on the plenitude of our human nature. For this reason it Is absolutely right to elect a life of holy virginity. Those who choose marriage obey an inferior, although divine, dispensation.

The development given above on angelic life and the anthropology of holy virginity in Gregory of Nyssa should not induce us to believe that we have reached the heart of the question. The essential aspect of the spiritual life of virgins is properly mystical, i.e., a mystery in the sense of Ephesians 5:21-33--a marriage of the virgin to Christ. We find this idea present in the texts from the beginning to the end of the Patristic Church, and it remained the "mystery" of religious life throughout the centuries up to our times. The idea is old indeed, since it derives from the Biblical notion of a marriage between the people of Israel and their God. Evidence for it is found in the Covenants between God and Israel; in Hosea whose unfaithful wife is compared to Israel, in Song of Songs, the hymn of the Bride (Israel) waiting for her Spouse; perhaps even in Genesis 2-4, since the Bible begins with a marriage.

All the treatises on virginity and many epistles written to virgins, witness to the same mysticism: the virgin is the Bride of Christ.(158) She has inherited this dignity from the Church, the heir of the promises made to Israel. The marriage of the virgin to Christ was taken so seriously that a failure to remain faithful to it was considered as an adultery and punished as such. Of course, a marriage to Christ presented certain earthly advantages also. It meant status in Church and society, and also came to involve tax-exemptions. (159) This union was free from the usual worries of marriage: subjection to a husband, child-bearing and raising, the burdens of housewives, and some of the dangers and inconveniences caused by accidents, disease and death. Gregory enlarges on this aspect with rhetorical emphasis in his De virginitate.(160)

Marriage to Christ was the spiritual form of the virgins' life of dedication to and love of Christ. It became the ritual of their religious profession itself, as soon as such a ritual appeared. We know the history of this ritual in the Western Church very well through the thorough inquiry of Rene Metz. (161) In order to illustrate this ritual and its spirit without entering the detail of Metz's discussion , I shall simply quote the moving case which he describes (162) of a young Roman virgin of wealthy parents. Her parents were compelling her to marry. The virgin, who was near the altar, took the hand of the priest and put it on her head; then, she put her head under the altar as under a veil. Metz explains that the putting on of the veil, which was the essential part in the rite for the profession of virginity, was also an essential part of the rite of marriage. Hence, the ritual of marriage became the basis for the profession of virginity, which was interpreted as a spiritual marriage to Christ.

Progressively the rite for the profession of virginity borrowed more and more from the ritual of marriage, which was itself developing, particularly when the influence of Gallican and German customs completed the old and sober Roman liturgy. (163)

Liturgical Life of Virgins

There is no special participation of the virgins in the liturgy during the first three centuries. In fact, we hardly hear mention of virgins before the end of the second century. Women generally shared in the communal singing of psalms and hymns, however. According to J. Quasten, (164) on whom we depend in this particular section, the chant in church was very plain and simple, a kind of recitative singing which the whole congregation could sing from memory and "as with one mouth." (165)

A special participation of women in the singing of the community is attested by the choirs of virgins which Ephraem founded to sing his hymns in the liturgy,

When the holy Ephraem saw how all were being torn away by the singing (of the heretics), and since he wanted to keep his own people away from dishonorable and worldly plays and concerts, he himself founded choirs of consecrated virgins, taught them hymns and responses whose wonderful contents celebrated the birth of Christ, his baptism, fasting, suffering, resurrection and ascension, as well as the martyrs and the dead. He had these virgins come to the church on the feasts of the Lord and on those of the martyrs, as they did on Sundays. He himself was in their midst as their father and the citharist of the Holy Spirit, and he taught them music and the laws of song . (166)

The singing of Psalms was diligently practised in the convents of women. Beginning in the fourth century, religious women took an active part in the singing of Psalms in city churches. Maruta of Maipherkat (second half of the fourth century) says the following: "It is the will of the general synod that municipal churches should not be without this class of sisters. They shall have a diligent teacher and shall be instructed in reading and especially in psalmody. This is decreed by the synod without anathema". (167)

In the Testament of the Lord, (fifth century), the virgins together with choir boys reply in psalmody to the one who sings psalms in church. Interesting instructions are added: "...they shall sing psalms and four canticles -one from Moses, one from Solomon, and the others from the Prophets - with the children, two virgins, three deacons and three presbyters doing the singing."(168) According to Quasten one and the same person very often performed the offices of both cantor and lector, as was quite natural in smaller churches. It is thus entirely plausible, he adds, that lectresses were also cantors, particularly since ecclesiastical singing approximated a recitative reading from earliest times. Virgins also sang at burials. (169)

In later centuries, women's singing disappeared from the liturgy, and the same is true of the participation of the congregation in singing. But choirs of singing boys still maintained a privileged role in church. (170) Among the reasons for their disappearance, Quasten mentions the development of a less simple and more theatrical style of singing which could please worldly minded people, but could not stand the attacks of a kind of Puritanism of Monastic origin which, in some regards, was closer to the spirit of Christian origins.(171)

Footnotes

Some footnotes missing from our manuscript (77-86)

(87) G. Vermes, op. cit., pp. 99-102.

(88) Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History III. 31 (SCH 31, pp. 141-142; LNPF 1, series 2, p. 162).

(89) Ibid., V. 24. 4-6 (SCH 41, p. 68; LNPF 1, series 2, p. 242.

(90) Didache 11-13. In Die Apotistischen Vater, vol. I, edited by K. Bihlmeyer (Tubingen, 1924), pp. 6-7. Also LCC 1, pp. 176-78.

(91) Labriolle, La crise montaniste, op . cit, pp. 34-105.

(92) Epiphanius, Panarion 48. 12 (PG 41, 857 B).

(93) Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, V. 16-17, "The Anonymous" (SCH 41, p. 51).

(94) Epiphanius, Panarion 48. 12 (PG 41, 873B).

(95) Ibid., 48. 13 (PG 41, 875B).

(96) Tertullian, De exhortatione castitatis 10 (CCL 2, p. 1030; ANF 4, p. 56).

(97) Tertullian, De resurrectione carnis 11 (CCL 2, p. 933; ANF 3, p. 552).

(98) Epiphanius, Panarion 49. 1 (PG 41, 878C).

(99) Tertullian, De anima 9 (CCL 2, p. 792; ANF 3, p. 188).

(100) L, Bopp,Das Witwentum als organische Gliedschaft im Gemeinschaftsleben der alten KircheMannheim, 1950); E.A. Clark, Jerome, Chrysostom, and Friends: Essays and Translations (New York, Toronto, 1979); R. Gryson, The Ministry of Women in the Early Church, translated by J Laporte and M Hall (Collegeville, 1976). J. Meyer ed., Monumenta de viduis, diaconisses virginibusque tranctantia, Florigegium Patristicum 42 (Bonn, 1938); A. Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonique jusqu'au XIVe siecleParis, 1923); L Zscharncack. DerDienst der Frau in den ersten Jahrhunderten der christlichen Kirche(Gottingen, 1902)

(101) J Laporte, "The Elderly in the Life and Thought of the Early Church," in Ministry and Aging, edited by W.M. Clements, Harper and Row, 1981, pp. 42-48.

(102) Ignatius of Antioch, "To the Smyrneans" 13 (SGH, 1950,p. 167).

(103), Dix, ed., The Apostolic Tradition of St. Hippolytus (London 1968), p. 20. Henceforth: Dix. note particularly XI. 1. 4. 5. concerning widows.

(104) Clement of Alexandria, who is the Rich Man That Shall be Saved (PG 9, 640c-d; ANF 2, p. 601); Tertullian, On Monogamy 11 (CCL 2, p 1244; ANF 4, p. 67); Tertullian, De penitentia 9-10 (CCL 2, pp. 936-937; ANF 28, p. 32).

(105) Justin, Apology I. 33 (PG 6, 380-381; ANF 2, pp. 78-79); cf. Apology I. 16 (PG 6, 352-353); Athenagoras, A Plea for the Christians 33 (PG 6, 965).

(106) Epistle of Potycarp 4 (in Ignace d'Antioche, Lettres, SCH, p. 209; LCC 3, p. 133).

(107) F. Funk, ed., Didascalia Apostolorum et Apostolicae Constitutiones , (Paderborn 1905), III, 1-11, pp. 182-201. Henceforth: Funk. Translated by R.H. Connolly (Oxford, 1929), ch. 14-15, pp. 130-145. Henceforth: Connolly.

(108)Ibid., IV (Funk, pp. 222-230; Connolly, ch. -18; pp. 157-160).

(109) Basil Letters 6, 10, 46 52, 93, 105, 107, 115, 173, 174, 269, 283, 296, 297, 302, 321 (Loeb Classical Library); Gregory Nazianzen, Ep. 46, 197, 244 (Loeb); Augustine, Ep. 92, 129, 147, 150 (Opera 2); Gregory the Great, Ep. I. 11; 11. 27; 111. 60; VII. 12, 25, 26; X. 15; XI. 29, 35, 44, 45; XII. 6, 12, 22 (LNPF 12, 13, series 2).

(110) Jerome, Ep. 108. In St. Jérome, Lettres, vol. V, edited by J. Labourt (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1949-1961), p. 160. Henceforth: Labourt. Also in LNPF 6, series 2, p. 196. Jerome, Ep. 127, 5, 8 (Labourt VII, p. 141; LNPF, 2 series 6, pp. 254, 256).

(111) Jerome, Ep. 123 (Labourt VII, pp. 73-95; LNFP 6, series 2, pp. 230-238

(112) Jerome, Ep. 54 (Labourt III, pp. 25-41; LNPF 6, series 2, pp. 102-109).

(113) H.Achelis, Virgines subintroductae: ein Beitrag au I kor. 7 (Leipzig, 1902) L. Anné, Les rites des fiancailles et la donation pour cause de mariage sous Ie Bas-Empire

(157) Gregory of Nyssa, On the Making of Man 15-18 (PG 44, 176-196; LNPF 5, series 2, pp. 403-409): On the Soul and the Resurrection(PG 46, 153-160; LNPF 5, series 2, pp. 462-468.

(158) Origen, Commentary on Song of SongsI. 1 and Prologue (ACW 26, pp. 21, 58).

(159) Elias Hayek, "Les Clercs et l'exemption des impôts dans le droit Romano-Byzantin du IVe au XVe siècle" (Ph.D. thesis, Pontificum Institutum Utriusque Juris, Rome, 1954).

(160) Gregory of Nyssa, De virginitate1-5; cf. M. Aubineau, "Rhétorique et Diatribe dans un plaidoyer pour la virginité," in SCH 119, pp. 83-96.

(161) R.Metz, La consécration des vierges dans l'Eglise Romaine: Etude d'Histoire et de Liturgie (Paris, 1954).

(162)Ibid., p. 133.

(163)Ibid., chapter 4, "L'élaboration du rit Romano-Franc," pp. 163-213.

(164) Quasten, Musik and Gesang in den Kulten der Heidnischen Antike and Christlichen Frúhzeit (Munster: Aschendorff, 1930).Henceforth; Musik and Gesang.

(165)Ibid., chapter 4, "Musik and Gesang in der früh christlíche Liturgie," p. 144; Ignatius of Antioch, Ephesians 4. 2; Chrysostom,.Homilia 36 in I Corinthians (PG 61, 313); Ambrose, Ennaratio in Psalmo 1 (PL 14, 925).

(166) Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. I, (Rome, 1720), pp. 47, 48 (text translated by B. Ramsey).

(167) O Braun. Maruta von Maipherkat: De Sancta Nicaena Synodo, Kirchengeschichliche Studien IV/13 (Munster, 1898), p. 87 (text translated by B. Ramsey).

(168) Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Christi I. 22, edited and translated into Latin by I.E. Rahmani (Mainz, 1899), p. 55.

(169). Chabot, Synodicon orientale: ou Recueil des Synodes Nestoriens (Paris, 1902), p. 486; cf. J. Quasten, Müsik and Gesang, ch. VI/4, "Die Auflarung," pp. 133-224.

(170) J. Quasten, Musik and Gesang, ch. IV/7, "Die Entwicklung des Knabengesanges . . .," pp. 133-141.

(171) Ibid., ch. IV/4, "Die Lehre von der Katanyxis . . . Die Eigenart ostlicher Frómmigkeit," pp. 147-157.


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